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9.2.02
95064
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9.2.02
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9.2.02
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9.2.02
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9.2.02
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9.2.02
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9.2.02
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9.2.02
95064
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9.2.02
95064
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9.2.02
95064
   06:31   18.06.03   
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http://www.gca.gov.il/reshut/1997/heb/558.htm



http://www.education.gov.il/pras-israel/pras_4n.htm

http://www.tau.ac.il/humanities/zionism/conferenceh.html
http://www.tau.ac.il/humanities/zionism/conferenceh.html


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9.2.02
95064
   02:54   20.06.03   
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9.2.02
95064
   11:16   22.06.03   
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9.2.02
95064
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9.2.02
95064
   22:18   26.01.04   
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9.2.02
95064
   22:25   26.01.04   
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9.2.02
95064
   22:31   26.01.04   
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9.2.02
95064
   22:49   26.01.04   
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9.2.02
95064
   23:19   26.01.04   
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9.2.02
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9.2.02
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9.2.02
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9.2.02
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9.2.02
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9.2.02
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9.2.02
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9.2.02
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9.2.02
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              |                                      (: )
,

9.2.02
95064
'' ''    21:03   11.03.07   
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  53. :  
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              |                                      (: )
,

9.2.02
95064
' ''    04:50   09.10.13   
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  66. , , : .  
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http://tinyurl.com/5a2yl


              |                                      (: )
,

9.2.02
95064
   08:44   07.03.04   
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  35. '' .......  
27
 
mozes5
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9.2.02
95064
   07:35   27.04.04   
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http://rotter.net/cgi-bin/forum/dcboard.cgi?az=show_thread&om=5228&forum=gil&omm=27&viewmode=threaded




http://rotter.net/cgi-bin/forum/dcboard.cgi?az=show_thread&forum=gil&om=5667&omm=13&v


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9.2.02
95064
   09:20   27.04.04   
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9.2.02
95064
   18:32   01.08.04   
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9.2.02
95064
   01:29   05.09.04   
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  44. THE MISSING YEMENITE CHILDREN  
43
 
THE MISSING YEMENITE CHILDREN
by Barry Chamish

I worked for nine years gathering the truth about the Rabin assassination and not one of my articles received the kind of recognition accorded my previous piece about the radiation experiments on Israeli Sephardi children during the 1950s. It began when the gutsy site www.israelinsider.com published the article. It was then picked up and featured on the news sections of both Google and Yahoo. From there the article spread everywhere. To my dismay, blatantly anti-Israel sites abused the information and its real message.
The message is that the early Labor Zionists were monsters and their descendants, the Oslo "peacemakers," are no less monstrous. According to Rabbi Antelman, Zionism began as an honest national liberation movement that was too quickly infiltrated and corrupted by the secret followers of the false messiahs Shabtai Tzvi and Jacob Frank. Anyone who looks at events from that starting point realizes that had there never existed Labor Zionism, there would not have been a Holocaust.
Now this same demonic force is wrapping its pincers around the Jews of Yesha. These Jews refuse to realize that their enemy is terrified by the revival of Torah Judaism taking place in these territories and will do whatever needs to be done to wipe the revival out and return the country to the Sabbataian values envisioned by the founders of Israel.
Opposing the Sabbataian Zionists during the period of the Holocaust were, what were then known as, the Revisionist Zionists. Today, the wounded and weakened descendants of this good Zionism, are known broadly as the Right. They tried and failed to save the Jews of Europe. The Labor Zionists had far too many powerful allies among the bloodthirsty occultists who run this planet from behind the scenes.
The Sabbataian Zionists made a terrible pact with the Nazis, simplified after the best known component, called The Transfer Agreement. They let the Germans have their way with Europe's Jews, and later continued the torture and medical experiments on the Sephardi children who immigrated to their new Sabbataian state.
The purpose of my exposing these sadistic experiments is to strengthen Judaism by removing these anti-Jews from our midst. Over the past 120 years the Sabbataians have infiltrated the Jewish leadership worldwide and oversaw the destruction of over 80% of the people by promoting wars, pogroms, assimilation and the Holocaust.
They have to go! If Judaism is to survive, we must expunge the devils. If that means exposing their worst crimes, so be it. Every moment they sit in power over the Jews is a mortal threat to the survival of the remaining 20%. My exposes may have the power to shake the demons out of our hair. Judaism and Israel will survive the shocking truth, but they will not outlive the continuing existence of Labor Zionism.
And no one knows that better than Israel's Yemenite community. They have not forgotten that during the early years of Israel, some 4,500 of their children were kidnapped by the authorities and most disappeared for good.
In 1994, my revelations about the Rabin murder had made headlines in Israel and the leaders of the Yemenite Children's movement asked me to investigate their cause. Their movement's leader, Rabbi Uzi Meshulum was arrested and they feared for his life.
Who could blame them? Meshulum's arrest had already caused one murder. To get the rabbi into prison, the Israeli authorities surrounded his home and placed him and several dozen of his congregants under siege. Nearly 2000 police and Shabak officers arrived at his home in Yehud and they were backed up by helicopters and dogs. But it was the snipers who were assigned to wipe out the rabbi, his family and his congregation.
One unarmed congregant, Shlomi Asoulin was shot by a sniper. He was taken to police lines where he was allowed to bleed to death. Then Rabbi Meshulum's house was shot up. I counted fifty bullet holes in his living room walls and then stopped. I got the message. The state tried to mass-execute him, his wife, children and young followers.
In 1996, Rabbi Meshulum asked to meet me. I travelled with his wife to Sharon Prison, walked through a maze of sinking corridors until I reached his compound. We shook hands, and he had a powerful grip. We spoke of many things but I wanted to know the big truth from the source: why hadn't he united the kidnapped children with their biological parents? He then blasted the music on his portable tape machine and explained that he didn't have the heart to tell the parents that the majority of their children were dead, murdered in atomic experiments, most shipped first to America in cages. Then he revealed the reason for his repression: the founder of the Israeli atomic research program was Shimon Peres and if the truth came out, he would be exposed for his role in the atrocities.
He told me why he wanted this meeting. The Shifris family had assumed control of his movement and he was now certain that they were Shabak infiltrators destroying his movement from within. He wanted me to take over as spokesman.
I accepted, but Ofra Shifris would have nothing to do with it. The Yemenite people are innately modest and mild-mannered. I had my advocates but none could find the wherewithal to stand up to the feisty Ashkenazi lady who had shanghaied their fight for justice.
Besides Ofra, the Shifris family boasted her husband and son, both Hebrew University academicians. The imprisoned followers of Rabbi Meshulum included the son, who was suspected of being a snitch even while incarcerated.
But, give the family credit for a remarkable show. It was Ofra who showed me the photos of the cages in which the Yemenite infants were flown to America. And it was she who showed me the scarred bodies of the survivors of the experiments which she claimed took place at the Biological Institute in Ness Tziona.
In 1998, Rabbi Meshulum was released a vegetable. Depending on who tells it, he was given a lobotomy, or injected with mind-crippling drugs. Either way, he was now a zombi. His campaign for truth was over.
At the same time that I was researching the claims of Rabbi Meshulum, I hired a researcher for my upcoming book, Who Murdered Yitzhak Rabin. His name was Yechiel Mann. He was a seventeen year old Meretz Party youth activist. It seemed like an odd affiliation for the job, but he did splendid work.
He became my protege and chose the Yemenite children as the subject that would bring him recognition. And he deserves recognition, but here is why I've been reluctant to grant it to my readers.
In 1998 he was drafted into the IDF. In the summer of 2001, something happened to him while in the service. He was busted for a minor military felony and went to jail briefly. During this period, he told me he was beaten by a group of soldiers who warned him to keep away from Rabin.
Enter Nahum Shahaf. Out of the blue emerged a man who claimed to have the evidence needed to crack the Rabin truth. And indeed, he did have an impressive stock of photos and documentation, including the hidden sections of the Shamgar Commission's findings. However, instead of releasing the evidence, he invited the original researchers to his apartment and dangled it in front of their noses. He succeeded in dividing the research community by promising to release the goods to anyone of us who accepted him as the new leader of the Rabin investigation movement. One researcher, Natan Gefen took the bait and has since been totally neutralized.
The next victim was Yechiel Mann.
In September 2001, I was given an enormous stockpile of Rabin murder documentation by an insider source who some day will be revealed. I asked Yechiel to go over the material with me in preparation for the Rabin Assassination Conference to be held in late October of that year at the Windmill Hotel in Jerusalem. He found too much time for this endeavor considering he was still in the army. He explained that he went AWOL until the end of the conference.
Shortly before the conference, Yechiel announced that he and Nahum Shahaf would be presenting their own conference two days before ours. Shahaf had convinced Mann to rent a steak house in Jerusalem for the event and pay for the meals of the participants, who were invited journalists. Predictably, the event was a flop and Yechiel was out 2000 shekels,
Undeterred and uninvited, he and Shahaf showed up at the real conference. There, Shahaf burst on the podium and shouted that he was the hero of the day. From the side, Mann screamed, "Let him speak. Let him speak." Shahaf was removed by the police and Mann was removed from the Rabin researcher's community.
But, Yechiel's activities continued apace. He began inviting himself to stay over at a string of Rabin researchers' and journalists' homes. Each time he asked to use their computers to download his mail, and once he was caught sending the owner's private files to his computer.
I hope you agree that this is not the picture of someone you'd give your wholehearted endorsement too. Nonetheless, sacrifices have to be made for the truth. In the past three years, there have been two excellent books on the Yemenite children's disappearances, both in Hebrew. Yechiel wrote the only book on the subject in English and it is important.
While researching his book, Yechiel gave a lecture on his findings at the Israel Center in Jerusalem. Missing from his speech was the motive for the kidnappings, the atomic human testing they were subjected to. I noted this at the end of his speech and he answered that he did not want to delve into this subject.
That should have been the end of the matter, but it wasn't. An agitated Rabbi David Sevilia, of Jerusalem, gave a most animated rejoinder to Mann's neglect, offering a potted history of the medical experiments the children endured, most not surviving the tortures.
Please read the following sites. Yechiel Mann documents the sad saga of the
Yemenite children kidnapped by the Sabbataian Labor Zionists guided by Weizmann and Ben Gurion. All that's missing is the motive:


www.geocities.com/CapitolHill/9302/ym.htm

www.rense.com/general13/thou.htm

www.israelbehindthenews.com/Archives/Jun-02.shtml

www.israelvisit.co.il/BehindTheNews/Sep-29-98.htm

www.davidicke.net/newsroom/asia/israel/090701a.html

www.alliancefr.com/actualite/desinformat/desinformat/enfants/eenfant2.html


One reader fills in the gaps for us:

Their programs were often referred to as PROJECT MONARCH and MKULTRA, MONTAUK and others as well.
American infants and children were frequently used, and I have interviewed former SURVIVING victims of their infamous and heinous human experimentation programs. As I shared, one of the better ones known who has gone public with her information is CISCO WHEELER.
She confirmed repeatedly to me that both she and other children kept in cages for human experimentation at bases such as CHINA LAKE NAVAL ORDNANCE RESEARCH CENTER in California, were often subjected to the horrible torture and abuse of Joseph Mengele and his sons, and others as well. She admitted that children were often used and human guinea pigs to test the effectiveness of CIA torture/mind control drugs tactics.
Many died from the repeat abuse...they simply could bear no more. She told me of infants suspended from the ceilings in cages that were electrically wired, and the infants conditioned through electric shock therapy.
I want to cry as I tell you this.
She admitted that much of this went on in the early 1950's, and perhaps even earlier, continuing in many forms to this present day.

And that was the real fate of the missing Yemenite children,

end

* If one more French Jew or sympathetic psychopath is caught hoaxing anti-semitic acts, I plan to expose the Sabbataian plot to send French Jews to Israel using the usual method of fear and suffering. The files are sitting here waiting for the opportunity.

* Here is some Kerry data sent to me:

By the way, it is a little odd, don't you think that Kerry's great grandfather was
Jacob Frankel born a few years after Jacob Frank died not too many miles away. And that Jacob Frank received the patronage of Maria Theresa, as has John Kerry received the patronage of Maria Teresa Thierstein Simes-Ferreira Heinz Kerry. Writeups about Kerry said he was in bad financial straits before he married "Teresa". Maybe he is a re-incarnated Jacob Frank - or at least, carries the Frank DNA. (I know - Frank was actually Frankovich, but.... )


John Kerry selects CFR member to be his top adviser on the Middle East

NEWS BRIEF: "Kerry appoints Mel Levine top Mideast adviser", The Jerusalem Post, August 16, 2004
In order to garner the Jewish vote in a national presidential election, it is always important to choose someone with a Jewish name who is accepted by Jewish organizations throughout this land. However, there is more to this story than meets the eye! Mel Levine is listed in the "Who's Who In The Elite" as being a member of the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) ! Thus, we see John Kerry beginning to surround himself with establishment elite people from special Illuminist groups like the CFR. Just as Presidents Reagan, Bush, Clinton, and Bush, John Kerry relies upon the advice and consent of CFR members who are totally trained and supportive of the global

* Response to my new CD has been wonderful:

Barry:

* 've so far listened to your Denver CDs three times. I was mesmerized.
Thanks so much!

* Incidentally, I love the CD; I've
listened to it twice. It's truly chilling, the all-pervasiveness of the
mixed tendrils of evil. We are rushing head-long into Luciferian world
government, and the bad guys control both sides of every debate. Two false
extremes are created and cultivated so that "reasonable," "sound-thinking"
people can comfortably shun them both, settle into the artificial "middle,"
and be led like cheerful, well-informed lambs to the killing fields. Anyone
who points out the artificiality of the whole scenario is clearly
delusional, perhaps insane, in this crazy context. Uggh!

* Thank you for the C.D.s. It appears as though you have probably nailed it. Perhaps this "behind the scenes" group could be what Revelation 3:9 refers to "those of the synagogue of the adversary, who say they are Jews and are not, but lie"? At any rate, I anxiously await the day that Daniel 2:34-35 is fulfilled.

Response to the video has been critical. It was recorded in a large hall with 500 people present and too many people are not happy with the sound. I won't print their complaints but they're out there. On the other hand, lots of people liked it.

Hi Barry,
Great video!!! I had no idea that the spawn of satan known as the Vatican had it's claws so much in Israel. I was glued to the whole video. You are like a breath of fresh air. I went to your site looking for video information in order to promote it but found none. I can scan the the video cover for my site, but what info can I give people on how to order it? IOW where can they order the video. Please let me know and I will promote it on my site.

To see or hear my 90 minute lecture last May in Denver on the real "peace" process, just write me at chamish@netvision.net.il $20 will get you one, $32, both.

And as usual, you can order my English books, Who Murdered Yitzhak Rabin, Israel Betrayed, The Last Days Of Israel and Save Israel! by writing me at the same address.


Just so you all know, my new book:
SHABTAI TZVI, LABOR ZIONISM AND THE HOLOCAUST

is about 2 weeks away from release.


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9.2.02
95064
   22:20   11.09.04   
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  45. POLITICAL PARTIES AND THE ABSORPTION OF YEMENITE IMMIGR  
43
 
from Israel Studies Volume 6, Number 3
The Integration of Yemenites in Israeli Schools
Zvi Zameret
----------------
http://iupjournals.org/israel/iss6-3.html

Permission to Copy
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----------------

The uproar over the education of Yemenite children in the immigrant moshav of Amka, in the north of Israel, is one of the most flagrant examples of the kind of absorption that met new immigrants from Islamic countries in the first years of Israel's independence. The group most active in absorption at the time was the Mapai -dominated Moshav Movement. Amka was among the moshavim singled out by both the religious press and religious parliamentarians as proof of the violation of the 1949 Compulsory Education Law, which guaranteed parents the right to choose a particular educational system for their children.1 Amka was pointed to as an example of anti-religious coercion perpetrated by the leading political party, Mapai, and the Israeli Left. In this period, however, Mapai members, led by Prime Minister Ben-Gurion, and the first two ministers of education, Zalman Shazar and David Remez, vehemently refuted this charge. They fulminated in both the media and Knesset that such claims were libelous and totally unsubstantiated.

In the years that have passed, confidential documents from the highest echelons of Mapai have been made public, revealing that, among the party elite, it was common knowledge that the Moshav Movement was flouting the Compulsory Education Law and that anti-religious coercion was taking place at Amka. Moreover, a wealth of evidence shows that Mapai leaders were bitterly divided over the manner in which immigrants from Oriental backgrounds, including the Yemenites at Amka, should be assimilated into the country. On one hand, officials such as Shazar and Remez believed that anti-religious coercion must be avoided and that immigrant parents in all of the Moshav Movement's villages, like other parents throughout the country, should be allowed to choose their children's educational framework. On the other hand, leading figures in the Labor "system," such as Yaakov Halperin (Niv) (Head Supervisor), Yakov Sarid (a top official in Tel-Aviv), and the leaders of the Moshav Movement, especially Member of Knesset (MK) Ami Assaf, believed that their primary mission was to spread the Labor Movement gospel among as many pupils as possible. It was decided that, in every moshav affiliated with the Moshav Movement, only educational institutions associated with the Histadrut would be permitted to operate. Aided by instructors and volunteers from veteran moshavim, public and Labor-affiliated organizations made full use of their power and compelled immigrant children to take their schooling in either the Labor or Religious-Labor system. Objecting parents were eventually expelled from the village.

It seems that Ben-Gurion was caught between the two sides. Publicly he defended the Labor system and asserted that everything was proceeding legally. But in closed-doors discussions with party leaders, he admitted that the Moshav Movement was in fact breaking the law, and that it was dangerous to lend it support. In one such meeting he was extremely outspoken on this point, declaring that "our" people were carrying out acts of "robbery in broad daylight" on the new immigrants and that the nation and the party would pay dearly for this in the future.

In retrospect, by failing to demand an immediate end to the infringement of the law and the accompanying anti-religious coercion, the Prime Minister and the cabinet, including ministers from the Religious Front2 gave, in effect, their tacit sanction to illegal acts.

A BRIEF LOOL AT THE ABSORPTION OF YEMENITES (19481951)
Between 19481951, nearly 680,000 immigrants entered the State of Israel, half of whom arrived from Islamic countries.3 One group of special distinction came from Yemen and Aden on an airlift operation known as the "Wings of Eagles.4 The exodus began in December 1948 and was completed in less than two years, in September 1950. Altogether, 48,000 Jews landed in Israel from Yemen and Aden.5 On arrival, all of the Yemenite immigrants were sent to transit camps, although many were transferred to work villages and moshavim after only a few weeks.

The Moshav Movement was the main organization involved in the absorption of new immigrants. The movement's leaders responded enthusiastically to Ben-Gurion's call in early 1949 for assistance and shouldered the daunting task of overcoming innumerable ideological and practical obstacles, vigorously taking the lead in the policy known as "from transit camp to village."6 In 1948, prior to the massive influx of immigrants into the country, the Moshav Movement contained only 49 villages, comprising 3245 families. Within five years, an additional 135 moshavim were established that included 9547 families. In this short time, the Moshav Movement expanded into the dominant organization of labor settlement.7

Many Yemenite families, although religiously observant by tradition, were nevertheless sent to the secular Moshav Movement. Less than a third were placed on moshavim of the religious system; i.e., villages affiliated with the religious parties HaPoel HaMizrakhi or Agudat Israel.8

POLITICAL PARTIES AND THE ABSORPTION OF YEMENITE IMMIGRANTS
For the most part, the new immigrants from Islamic countries, including those arriving on "the Wings of Eagles" remained out-of-sight and out-of-mind for most of the Jewish community in Israel.9

Undeniably, the entire Labor Movement, with Mapai as its political arm, formed the organizational framework most actively involved in the absorption of Oriental immigrants, including the Yemenites. On the other hand, Mapai activists, more than any other group working in absorption, aspired to "re-educate" the Oriental Jews and speedily mold them into the image of the "new Israeli"best summed up as an anti-religious, secular, pioneering tiller of the soil. As the dominant political party in the state, Mapai had all the resources at its command for pressuring, as well as attracting, the new immigrants. The party oversaw the state's major absorption bodies on which the new immigrants were dependent: the Jewish Agency, the Moshav Movement, workers councils, employment offices, the Jewish National Fund, HaMashbir HaMerkazi , local mini-markets, neighborhood clinics, and the workers bank . It should also be mentioned, however, that in the first years of Israel's statehood, Mapai fielded more active instructors for assisting the immigrants than any other political party, as well as more people who volunteered their time, energy, and experience in response to their movement's "call up" to aid in absorption. Mapai succeeded in enlisting more agricultural experts, teachers, doctors, nurses, social workers, etc., than all the other groups in Israel combined. Thousands of Mapai party members contributed to the absorption of Oriental Jewry, which included the new immigrants from Yemen.

Compared to Mapai and the Israeli Left in generalMapam (the Zionist-Socialist party), and especially the two kibbutz movements, Kibbutz Artzi (Mapam), and HaKibbutz HaMeuchad (associated with Mapam, with a small minority from Mapai. Broke away in 1952)lthe political parties in the center and the right made almost no effort in immigrant absorption, and a number of them even hindered it. Furthermore, at the municipal level where the center and the right held swaysuch as in Tel-Aviv under Mayor Israel Rokach and Ramat-Gan under Mayor Abraham Krinitzithe immigrants were unwanted and pressured to evacuate the city limits.10

Even among religious Jews, there was a severe lack of workers dedicated to receiving and absorbing the immigrants, especially in the first months of statehood in 1948 and 1949. For the most part, the Religious Front turned its back on the people coming from Islamic countries and even discriminated against them. Evidence can be seen in its response to a request by the Chief Sephardi Rabbi, Rabbi Ben-Zion Uziel, who demanded that the party add a representative from Oriental background to a realistic spot on its list of candidates to the First Knesset.11 The Front's leadership consented to a Sephardi representative, but only in the 25th place, knowing that it was considered highly unlikely it would win more than 1820 mandates (it received only 16).12 In this period, however, almost 200,000 Sephardi Jews dwelt in the country, the majority of whom were religiously observant, and who accounted for one quarter of the electorate.

THE BEGINNING OF THE "AMKA AFFAIR"
Yemenite settlement in the abandoned Arab village of Amka, 12 kilometers south of the Lebanese border, began in November 1949. The Moshav Movement ensured that absorption instructors from established labor settlements would be waiting for the new arrivals, according to the standard operating procedure. These advisors had a two-fold task: first, to introduce the immigrants to Western and Zionist culture, modern education, agriculture, economics, the bureaucratic system, health services, etc.; and second, to induct them into the "correct" ideology and "correct" political framework.

The chief instructor at Amka was Yosef Lukov13 from the veteran moshav of Kfar Vitkin. There can be no doubt that he sacrificed a great deal of his family life in order to assist the Yemenites in the northern settlement. Lukov the "Mapainik" became in effect the village supervisor. Instructors and officials working in the village, as well as the Yemenites themselves, recognized his authority. As a loyal member of his movement and party, Lukov ascertained that the moshav's solitary school would be affiliated with the Labor system and that all the local immigrant children would learn there.

In early January 1950, a female teacher from the Labor system was sent to Amka on Lukov's initiative. The woman, a secular Jew, was expected to take responsibility, single-handedly, for the education of dozens of newly arrived Yemenite children. She was, however, far removed from the parents' expectations.14 We may assume that the Yemenites were angry on two counts: one, the teacher did not observe Jewish religious traditions; and two, she was female. It should be pointed out that she worked alone and that the pedagogic challenge was obviously overwhelming.

In the same period, Achi'ezer (a Haifa-based organization engaged in the religious instruction of immigrant children) dispatched three ultra-orthodox male teachers to Amka to open a school affiliated with Agudat Israel. The initiators of the school claimed that sixty-four pupils, the vast majority of the moshav's children, had been enrolled,15 but, they charged, Labor Movement instructors in the village spared no effort to expel the teachers. In an unsigned letter sent by the Achi'ezer organization to the Minister of Education and Culture, Zalman Shazar (additional copies were also sent to various religious figures), the village supervisor, Yosef Lukov, was charged with violent behavior and the forcible obstruction of the religious school's activity. The letter went on to list beatings, intimidation, and threats on the Yemenite children that were perpetrated by Lukov and his colleagues. It further alleged, "these heroic deeds' were carried out in a blatantly military manner and that all of the local kibbutzim had been ordered to block movement to and from Amka of anyone whose external appearance implied that he was a religious Jew." Furthermore, it was claimed that a Yemenite immigrant, who lived in the Ein Shemer transit camp and had chanced to enter the synagogue at Amka while religious lessons were being taught, "was severely beaten inside the house of worship by the village supervisor, Yosef, and was thrown outside." In the same spirit, Lukov was imputed to have "threatened those villagers who sent their children to the religious school with cancellation of their right to employment"16 and "to have ordered the local general-goods store not to sell anything to the religious teachers." It was further reported that, on 17 January 1950, while religious instruction was being given to adults inside the synagogue, rifle fire was staged outside as though Arabs were attacking the settlement "in order to frighten the teachers and students and disrupt the lesson." In addition, it was asserted that the same morning, during school hours, the village director stormed into the synagogue and "screaming wildly had forcefully pushed the pupils out of the synagogue and in this way abolished instruction at the school."17

THE "RELIGIOUS LABOR SYSTEM"18 ENTERS AMKA
In none of the moshavim linked to the Moshav Movement were immigrant parents allowed the right, enshrined in the 1949 Compulsory Education Law, to choose the education system (General, Labor, Mizrakhi, or Agudat Israel) they felt most appropriate for their children.

In moshavim where a loud demand for religious education was heard, it was agreed to set up a school of the Religious-Labor system that came under the auspices of the education branch of the Labor-dominated Histadrut, whose leaders were, naturally, secular. The heads of the Religious-Labor system, including its leader, Yeshayahu Leibowitz, were well aware that the Moshav Movement had been notoriously frugal in providing for the new immigrants basic religious needs and that the movement's goal was to corral the immigrants into the Labor camp. Nevertheless, the Religious-Labor heads continued to co-operate with the movement. Moreover, much evidence exists that they knew all about the Moshav Movement's anti-religious coercion, as a few examples will suffice to prove. In April 1949, Dr. Yeshayahu Leibowitz wrote to the secretary of the Moshav Movement:

They employ force, threats, and economic discrimination to prevent the settlers from realizing their religious aspirations . . . contrary not only to morality and democracy but also to explicit guarantees and resolutions of the Executive Committee that provide for the religious needs of observant Histadrut members.19

Dr. Leibowitz reiterated his complaint before the Histadrut leaders that "they must be informed of the real situation where the first signs of an Inquisition-style, Stalinist hatred of Judaism and religious repression have cropped up in several places within the Histadrut."20 Perhaps the high-point of Leibowitz's invective against the Moshav Movement was his testimony at the Frumkin Commission (a blue-ribbon committee set up in January 1950 to investigate the education of immigrant children). Appearing before the commission, Dr. Leibowitz affirmed that "there are provocations and subtler forms of dissimulation and deception; and occasionally even cruder, heavier-handed means are taken that employ threats and compulsion. This must be fought against every time it appears."21

Despite the awareness in the Religious-Labor system that it had become a "fig-leaf" for Histadrut-organized General education, the movement's leaders decided to set up shop in the village of Amka. According to statements made on 20 January 1950almost three months after the Yemenites had arrived on the moshavonly then was it discovered that "the village was religious and that a religious school should be established."22 In January 1950, after the ultra-orthodox Agudat Israel school was already in operation, the first teachers from the Religious-Labor system entered the village. Following this, Religious-Labor heads hastened to report to the Minister of Education that the school system in Amka was now under control. As for the fate of the Agudat Israel classes, it was explained to the minister that the Yemenites had freely decided to abandon them and that one of the Aguda teachers was sitting "in the synagogue without pupils, studying Torah alone."23 But, this report reflected, at best, wishful thinking on the part of the Religious-Labor system.

Unrelated to the Amka Affair, but unmistakably connected to the general, anti-religious coercion of the new immigrants, Dr. Leibowitz, the leader of Religious-Labor, had grown totally discouraged and submitted his resignation.24

SHAZAR'S MANAGEMENT OF EDUCATION AT AMKA
Zalman Shazar, Israel's first Minister of Education and Culture, was a weak administrator who wielded little authority in the education system.25 His influence was negligible in matters of schooling in rural settlements, but this shortcoming did not excuse him from dealing with events at Amka.

Almost one month before the beginning of the Amka Affair, Shazar had been accused, in a written interpolation, by MK David Zvi Pinkas26 (Religious Front), of supporting people in the Workers Movement who were wreaking havoc on the education of immigrant children, perpetrating "moral and inquisitional coercion against Judaism," "attempting to force the to remodel their religion and beliefs," and who were creating a situation that would lead to "the annihilation of religious culture."27 Under relentless pressure from the Religious Front, these incriminations forced the government, in mid-January 1950, to set up the Frumkin Commission to investigate the charges that an anti-religious education system was being imposed on new immigrants.

Nearly two weeks after the establishment of the commission, Shazar received the harsh letter from Achi'ezer about events at Amka. We may assume that this letter did not add to Shazar's sense of well-being. He immediately requested top ministry officials to find out what was going on in the northern immigrant village. Headed by Dr. Avraham Deutsch, Chief Inspector of the Agudat Israel system, and Yakov Halperin, Chief Inspector of the Labor system, the Education Ministry's investigating committee set out for Amka. The commission's results remained a secret internal report and were never published. According to (MK) Meir David Levinstein (Agudat Israel)who apparently received information about the report from Dr. DeutschLukov told the commission that "even if they received an order from upstairs' they would not allow a religious school to operate in Amka because it was their family."28 In other words, the moshav was considered to be "an organic part" of the Moshav Movement.

Despite the education inspectors' inquiry, religious circles continued to assert that Shazar was derelict in his role and that the Yemenites were being prevented from schooling their children according to age-old religious educational traditions. Shazar acknowledged that the accusations were accuratebut this admission was made two months after he left the ministry.29 Only then did he speak out vehemently against the Moshav Movement and avow that it had been violating Israel's education laws. In an internal debate in Mapai, he stated candidly: "Regarding the pressure and matters in all of the moshavim, I was habitually at a loss at what to do." He went on to explain at length his basic views, which he had failed to apply while serving as education minister:

. . . I am a great supporter of freedom of individual self-definition, and I declare that a Jew needs to be satisfied with his Judaism in the State of Israel . . . Today the moshavim number iun the hundreds . . . Why do you say that instead of free choice only one type of school can exist? . . . In my opinion this goes completely against the principle anchored in the law concerning systems . . . and I do not understand why the moshavim should be above the jurisdiction of the state.30

Shazar stressed that the Moshav Movement's policy ran counter to the basic foundations of a democratic society. He admitted that, as minister in charge, he had been delinquent in realizing his Jewish and democratic credo to guarantee moshav immigrants the right to choose the type of religious education they preferred.

THE RELIGIOUS FRONT AND THE AMKA AFFAIR
Events at Amka caused much consternation to (MK) Levinstein and the Religious Front's executive.31 Levinstein demanded that not an inch be yielded to Mapai: "We must make the fateful decision of waging war on all fronts . Party relations in the Yishuv act only to our advantage. If we stand firm they will submit because their situation is weaker than ours."32

The indomitable fighting spirit of Levinstein on the Amka issue led to the paradoxical situation of addressing an interpolation to his colleague in the Religious Front leadership, Moshe Shapira, then Minister of the Interior and leader of HaPoel HaMizrakhi (Religious Labor). Levinstein asked Shapira: "Is the honorable gentleman aware that the advisory staff at the village of Amka in the Galilee . . . prohibits entrance into the village of any Jew suspected of being religious? An order to this effect was issued to all of the neighboring settlements religious teachers in Agudat Israel schools at Amka were forced to return to the village by roundabout routes via Arab villages." He ended his indictment with these words: "What does the respected minister intend to do to counteract the attempt to establish an area 'outside the pale' for religious Jews in Israel?"33

It took Shapira one month (30 May 1950) to reply to Levinstein. He insisted, in formal, straightforward language, that no law on the books forbade any settler from entering the village of Amka. He also asserted, somewhat naively, that he had no knowledge "of the appointment of a patron for the villagers of Amka." Shapira further declared, "The settlers of the aforementioned village are free citizens in a free country." Obviously ignoring reality, he stated, "The instructors in the village must educate the settlers for a life of agriculture and labor, but under no circumstances do they have the authority to engage in coercion and arbitrary rule." According to Shapira, Agudat Israel's teachers and school principal should "turn to the Israeli police and ask for protection that the guardians of the law are obligated to provide for every citizen of the state."34

This dialogue between two, apparently deaf parliamentarians, both of them colleagues in the Religious Front, bears witness to the antipodal directions in the party regarding the Amka crisis (and similar situations in other settlements). Levinstein continued to denounce cooperation with a Mapai-led government that uprooted religious immigrants from their cultural wellsprings. On the other hand, the Interior Minister, Moshe Shapira, while cognizant of Levinstein's basically correct accusations, nevertheless defended, to a large degree, the government, the Moshav Movement, and its instructor-proxies. In order to safeguard the coalition, he refused to aggravate the already strained relations with Mapai. Since Shapira and his colleagues had no desire to sever their partnership with the state's dominant political power, they respected the agreement that allotted them "their" share of the immigrants (one-fifth of the moshavim were affiliated with HaPoel HaMizrakhi).

Levinstein condemned not only Shapira's opportunism, but also the moderation displayed by the leaders of religious Zionism. In this vein he also quarreled with the heads of his own party, Agudat Israel, attacking the leadership of the Welfare Minister, Yitzhak Meir Levin. Throughout 1950, Levinstein's ultra-orthodox zeal continued to intensify. It seems that capitulation to anti-religious intimidation at Amka added flames to the passion of his faith. In late 1950, he took part in a putsch carried out by the heads of PAGI (Poalei-Agudat Israel, Jerusalem) against the leadership of Levin and his circle. This takeover resulted in a PAGI split from Agudat Israel. During elections to the Second Knesset (July 1951), Levinstein pledged his support to the PAGI list (called the "Ashkenazi and Sephardi Believers in a United Israel") which, however, failed to attain a single seat.35

THE AMKA AFFAIR IN THE RELIGIOUS PRESS
HaKol , the PAGI newspaper, published more material than any other paper on the Amka Affair. It tended to present radical, ultra-orthodox positions that vilified the Agudat Israel leader, Levin, and his followers for selling out to the Zionists at the price of the "Jewish faith," in order to gain economic remuneration.36

In the Purim (Jewish spring festival) edition of 1950, HaKol published an article on the Amka Affair in the Biblical style of the Book of Esther, entitled "The Book of Amka." The editor's aim was to compare the Biblical book with events in the moshav so that his readers would make the analogy between the Amka Affair and the machinations against the Jews in ancient Persia and Medas. The article opened with an expression common in Jewish sources, "Now it came to pass," that foretells destruction and misery. The author wrote as though he were actually reporting from the moshav:

Now it came to pass, in the first year of the return to Israel from Yemenite Exile, in the fourth month which is the month of Tevet, on the twenty-sixth day of that month, and I am located in Amka which is in the Galilee: the floodgates of lamentation gushed forth from the people's eyes,37 and they wailed a loud and bitter sob, weeping: "Here we have come to this bountiful land, the Land of Our Fathers and the House of the Lord, but how will the child be judged, and the children that God has blessed us with? Shall we deliver them up to Moloch?"

The fate of the children at Amka was being compared, no less, to that of the Children of Israel in the Bible who were sacrificed by immolation to the Canaanite gods.38

Approximately two months later, another article appeared in HaKol about the Amka Affair. This time it related that Amka was only one of many villages where anti-religious abuse had proliferated. "It is most interesting and annoying that the official agencies have completely overlooked what is happening in Amka. The impression one gets is that Amka, and there are more than one Amkas in Israel, is an exterritorial jurisdiction that has been handed over to the exclusive authority of a Histadrut instructor who acts imperiously."39 It should be emphasized that the "official agencies" referred to included all of the members of the Israeli Government, as well as ministers from the Religious Front.

For months, HaKol persisted in publishing information critical of the situation at Amka. On 2 June 1950, an article by "M.H." appeared, entitled: "Amkathe Symbol of the State and the Regime that Governs it." The article stated, inter alia: "The Amka Affair should be taken as a symbol . . . It is the most honest expression of the essence of life in the country and it clearly reflects the foundations upon which the state is based and the direction it is headed." The writer implied that the symbol of the state should be replaced by one that showed "a picture of an abandoned village and underneath it a single printed word: Amka." The article highlighted tales of starvation among families who requested religious education, and alleged that "in the village there is only one source of food supplies: the general-store. And the clerk there refuses to sell to those villagers he holds responsible for the ultra-orthodox school, and he prevents them from procuring food elsewhere and bars them from work." The writer described to his readers, the majority of whom had never set foot inside an immigrant village, that "naturally no private labor is permitted in Amka. All work is organized either by the government or the Jewish Agency, who dole it out according to the whims of the local advisors. Anyone who fails to gain employmentstarves to death." According to the journalist's charges, "a number of families at Amka were already lying famished, and if they do not receive immediate assistance they will have to choose between submission to the instructors or death by starvation."

The writer concluded his article with a venomous attack on the Prime Minister, David Ben-Gurion, and the Minister of Police, Bechor Shitreet:

The most characteristic point in the Amka Affair is not the cruelty perpetrated by a junta of worthless, peanut-sized dictators unbridled in their sadism toward people subject to their merciless authority. It is most illustrative that the government has no intention of intervening. The Prime Minister has promised, however, to request that his party colleagues cease the hooliganism, a promise he has made not as Prime Minister but as head of Mapai, the political party whose agents and instructors are executing these acts of wanton cruelty. The Minister of Police is appointed to safeguard the law and bring its transgressors to justicebut all of them stand aligned against the settlers of Amka. They are the property of Mapai and every owner is permitted to do with his property as he sees fit. If they are maltreated, badgered, and starvedno one is there to heed or protect them.40

One week later, the newspaper announced the start of a large fund-raising drive "for the Amka villagers in their struggle for ultra-orthodox education."41

HaTzofeh , the religious-Zionist newspaper, printed much less than the ultra-orthodox press about the ideological dispute over schooling at Amka. Three months after the first reports appeared in HaKol, a scathing article finally emerged in HaTzofeh. The article's style was extremely aggressive and resembled the most radical ultra-orthodox rhetoric, whose main goal, as we have seen, was to disrupt the coalition government and extricate the ultra-orthodox party. According to HaTzofeh:

The crime was committed by Jews, members of an organized political party who have forced fathers to enroll their children in schools of apostasy . . . Violence becomes a legal weapon in the country. Today threats of starvation and "soft" blows are sufficient there is no assurance that the same pistol in a violent hand will not begin shooting. Terror knows no borders. It increases with its first "success." The village of Amka is one example of many . Terror has become daily fare. We would advise the Minister of Education and Culture, since he is a member of the party affiliated with the Moshav Movement, to calm the hotheads among the "instructors." We would also remind certain writers in leftist newspapers that expounding against violence should be their profession, and that they should be penning articles against the terror tactics in the village of Amka.42

KNESSET DEBATES ON AMKA
On 5 June 1950, Member of Knesset (MK) Zerach Warhaftig, one of the leaders of HaPoel HaMizrakhi, raised charges in the Knesset similar to those voiced months before, especially by Levinstein. (It will be recalled that, at the time, they were rejected by the head of Warhaftig's faction, Minister of the Interior Moshe Shapira). According to Warhaftig, ample evidence could be shown that, in Mapai-administered settlements, "pressure tactics were being employed for denying livelihood and employmentusing the crudest measures" to prevent the children from be sent to religious schools. He mentioned the Amka case, but also cited the villages of Kfar Gilboa and Tarshicha, where "it was forbidden to open a religious school even within the Histadrut framework." Warhaftig concluded his remonstration by asserting:

The historian who will one day write the story of the spiritual-cultural absorption of mass immigration in this period, and particularly the history of immigration from Oriental countries, will relate how there were Jews who stood up and attempted to convert these children to another religion by means of brainwashing. He will title this chapter: "The Edict of Forced Apostasy."43

MK Ami Assaf answered Warhaftig's acerbic accusations, claiming that the charges were merely intended "to throw sand in the eyes." In his opinion, "accusations have been raised without any prior investigation" and, although totally unsubstantiated, they were then disseminated among the new immigrants. As for Amka, Assaf declared, ironically it was Yosef Lukov, so maligned for assaulting religion and tradition, who was actually most instrumental in blocking the spread of missionary books that Christian evangelists had tried to circulate in the village.44

Levinstein, however, was relentless in fanning the flames of the Amka Affair. On 7 June 1950, he announced to the Knesset that he had spoken to Ben-Gurion a number of times, and the Prime Minister had promised him that he would dispatch "a special agent to Amka to correct the infractions." But, Levinstein contended, the Prime Minister had not kept his word. Levinstein now demanded that the Knesset bring to a debate the events at Amka and enact a law stating that "anyone attempting to coerce parents to educate their child against their free will, will be considered as violating the rights of man and committing a crime. Obstruction of employment, too, would be considered an act of compulsion."45

Ben-Gurion replied to Levinstein's charges a week later. He had been caught off-guard, and replied defensively that he was responding to complaints of whose details he had little knowledge. He went on to say that "In effect, neither of us was present at Amka, both of us are relying on hearsay, therefore it is extremely unclear what exactly happened there."46

Despite these introductory remarks, Ben-Gurion was able to tell the Knesset how the Amka Affair originated. He concisely summarized the chain of events, relating to the point that the Yemenites of Amka, as in many other settlements, bickered among themselves over the type of education they desired for their children. In the end,

. . . most of the Yemenite settlers had preferred avoidance of conflict and announced: 'We want neither this school nor that one we have our own teachers ' . . . The village director called on the Histadrut to dispatch education advisors to break in the Yemenite teachers; then the Histadrut teachers at the school left and the Yemenite teachers took over. He also asked the Aguda teachers but they refused.

In other words, according to Ben-Gurion, it was Lukov who strove to reach a compromise at Amka and who requested that both the non-Yemenite Labor system teachers and the Agudat Israel teachers, who were European, leave the village for the sake of maintaining the peace. The Labor system teachers agreed and were replaced by teachers of Yemenite background from the Religious-Labor system. Ben-Gurion laconically summed up the affair:

I am not saying that you did not have the right to refuse , but a situation was created that added to the great dissatisfaction of the majority of the local settlers who had no wish to aggravate the conflict that had penetrated from the outside. Since no law forbids this we found ourselves unable to prevent misery from befalling the new immigrants.47

Regarding the basic questions, Ben-Gurion announced that the government had discussed the Amka Affair, "and other cases in which conflicts had risen by upholding the Education Lawin Tel-Aviv, Rishon LeTzion, etc." He purposely named places not under the control of the Labor Movement, but where the Labor system had complained that other parties had discriminated against them. In conclusion, he promised:

The Government sees its duty to guarantee, with the fullness of its authority and with all means in its power, that the Education Law, as it now exists should be maintained and energetically pursued.48

On the other hand, it is difficult to fathom how the Religious Front, on hearing Ben-Gurion's evasive answer, agreed to continue sitting with him in the Labor-dominated coalition. One might ask how could they have remained partners with Labor once they were made fully aware of the government's shameless behavior toward such a large segment of the religious public. On the other hand, the political coalition of the period must be viewed in its proper perspective. At first the Religious Front tried to reach a solution by direct contact with the Mapai leadership, for they feared that, if they pulled the rope too tightly, Ben-Gurion would exclude them from the coalition and seek an alternative partner (as he did a year later, after the July 1951 elections). They had little doubt about the Prime Minister's options of forming a secular government (with the General Zionists and even with left-wing Mapam, the United Workers Party), in which conditions for the religious sector in the country were likely to become much more confined.

AFTER LUKOV'S DEPARTURE FROM AMKA
The two inspectors, Deutsch and Halperin, sent by Education Minister Shazar to Amka, came to the conclusion that Yosef Lukov should be removed from the village.49 It is not clear when this decision was made or who gave them the authority to make it; whatever the case, Lukov was soon transferred to another immigrant settlement.

At approximately the same time, the Minister of Police, Bechor Shitreet, ordered the Nahariya police to check into the charges made by the Amka Yemenites. Investigation of fellow Yemenites, however, only hurt them more. According to a report in the daily HaBoker based on a statement by Levinstein, "The day after the investigation, an instructor Giladi arrived from the Moshav Movement and ordered six settlers to leave the village."50 Later, roughly ten more "rebellious" families were expelled from Amka because of their demand for ultra-orthodox religious education. The exact number is not known.

THE INTERNAL DEBATE IN MAPAI
Ben-Gurion professed views in closed party forums that entirely different from those he had uttered in the Knesset. In internal Mapai debates, he strongly criticized the anti-religious coercion rampant at Amka. In the party secretariat, he stated unequivocally,

The local Yemenites in the village are being hounded, they wanted an Agudat Israel school, so you starve them, threaten them, and try to force them to shut the school down. Is this the way we should welcome this tribe of Yemenites? Why cannot a Yemenite who so desires, dwell in the village and have a school according to all the rules of the Shulchan Aruch ?

Here Ben-Gurion placed himself outside the party consensus, shed his sense of partisan responsibility, and inveighed against an anonymous "you." "Did you have to raise the whole tribe against us? I do not understand this line of thinking. I cannot comprehend the reckoning of the Movement."51

Half a year later, a major debate took place in Mapai's Political Committee on the question of religious education in the Moshav Movement.52 On one side stood people like Yaakov Halperin (Niv), Israel Guri (Chairman of the Knesset Finance Committee), and Yakov Sarid, three of the pillars of the Education Branch in the Histadrut and the Labor system, along with Ami Assaf, the Knesset representative of the Moshav Movement. On the other side stood Zalman Shazar and David Remez, the first two Ministers of Education, and Ben-Gurion.

Halperin announced with satisfaction and pride that the majority of the immigrants had enrolled their children in Labor system schools.53 Sarid added that, if the majority were attending institutions affiliated with Agudat Israel and Mizrakhi, "they would say to us: 'You are not fulfilling your role'." And he contended, "When we succeed in reaching out to the immigrants, they accuse us of employing tyranny." Israel Guri admitted that some degree of coercion had taken place in bringing immigrant children into the Labor system, but he justified it by claiming, "Fools are not lacking in any sector or party . . . I realized that on occasion our colleagues acted deceitfully. Although this is true, it was not a system . . . Relatively speaking we sinned far less than, not only the Religious systems, but also the General system." Ami Assaf clarified the policy principle of the Moshav Movement, explaining that people in the Religious Front built "a defensive-wall around the child . . . and we will fight this method with all our power." According to Assaf, the use of "land settlement and economic pressure" was legitimate because "in the immigrant moshav two different schools cannot co-exist . . . If there is a basic mish-mash between this and that kind of Jew, I do not know who can accept responsibility for it." Furthermore, he asserted, Agudat Israel had its own moshavim and "it would not enter the mind of any of us to send instructors to these settlements to erect a bridgehead. There are, thank God, enough Jews." Therefore, the idea that children of the same moshav study at regional schools of different systems (secular and religious) was then totally rejected, though it was put into practice many years later.

The Minister of Education, David Remez, adopted the view of his predecessor, Shazar: "The continuation of the status quo tarnishes the Government, disgraces the members of the Government, and undermines the ability to carry out any form of work that may be considered educational." Regarding the Labor-Religious system, the minister claimed that the entire Histadrut-Religious education system was a matter of deception:

It is hypocritical that people who themselves neither pray nor believe in God, the Garden of Eden, and Hell . . . I know that on our soil not one genuine religious school has been set up. If one were established, then a religious member would be sitting therebut there is no such person. A religious school will not sprout on our soil, because it cannot take root there.54

In the same inter-party debate, Ben-Gurion's speech was extraordinary. He admitted that he had heard of many acts of anti-religious coercion toward new immigrants, and by his silence he had given them his assent. Without mincing his words he stated,

The State of Israel, especially in this period, is not permitted to take children of a religiously observant background, who are able to receive a decent religious education, and enroll them in liberal-secular schools . . . I am interested that the Labor Movement should rule Israel not as a dictatorship but by the power of the nation's faith in it. I believe that far too often our colleagues have perpetrated acts of tyranny, coupled with threats of unemployment and expulsion, so that would enroll . I know of these cases, because colleagues have told me about them.

Ben-Gurion further stressed that the people involved in these unlawful means were "colleagues in good standing, honest, upright, and highly motivated people from the agricultural settlements who had acted in pure faith." But, he noted, if people from other parties had done this, "we would have assailed them with all our means." On the other hand, "Our colleagues should not have to be restricted by force, but by inner discipline. They should be convinced not to conduct themselves in this manner." Ben-Gurion foresaw what this was leading to, and he warned, "In my opinion it is disastrous for Israel if its beginning should be based on theft, and this is a case of plundering a person's weakness; if this does not destroy the State of Israel, then it will crush the possibility of workers' hegemony in the country."

It should be pointed out that Ben-Gurion was the last speaker at this session, which adjourned without coming to a decision. His parting words were,

In my eyes, the rights of the child's parent are the determining factor. I can argue with HaMizrakhi and Aguda, but if we do not guarantee a Jew in this state the freedom to educate his child as he sees fit, then this is a country of inquisition, fraud, and flagrant browbeating. Freedom is only freedom when I give it to those who oppose me.

Despite Ben-Gurion's oratory, his words remained, to a large extent, theoretical. The Moshav Movement and the Labor system did not alter their policy.

CONCLUSION
Many "Mapainiks" affiliated with labor settlement had dreamed of quickly converting the Yemenites into "new Jews." They believed that they had been granted the historical mission of speedily assimilating the immigrants into their brand of socialist Zionism. Yosef Lukov and other instructors at Amka were probably motivated by what they felt was the supreme urgency of their mission. But not all of the new immigrants were inclined to remake themselves in the spirit of the early Zionist pioneers. Amka was one example of a group of newcomers that struggled for months against the Labor and Religious-Labor educational systems, and where most eventually succumbed to organized pressure. The minority at Amka that stubbornly held out against the Histadrut schools after being tormented by a spate of pernicious steps (unemployment, starvation, discrimination, etc.) were expelled from the village.

There is no doubt that the struggle at Amka would not have occurred without the massive encouragement (there were those who termed it then, and today, as "incitement") of Agudat Israel. It should be kept in mind that this ultra-orthodox party had many reasons for wrangling, of which soul-saving was but one. There were also outright political interests. Some leaders sought to terminate the Religious Front by dissolving the coalition with Mapai. In my opinion, both motives are essentially the same, especially as Levinstein and HaKol were the lead advocates in the Amka Affair.

Compared to ultra-orthodox extremists like Levinstein, the leaders of Religious-Zionism were much more compromising. They felt themselves wedged between the hammer and the nail. While a minority demanded condemnation, most dreaded a break-up of the coalition. It seems that they preferred to turn a blind eye to the whole affair, since the Yemenites, if the truth must be said, were far removed from the heart of their interests. It is highly unlikely that they would have ignored events to the same degree had they involved religiously observant immigrants from Eastern or Western Europe.

Yemenite parents who insisted on ultra-orthodox education at Amka ultimately yielded to pressure, and the Amka Affair has remained a malignant stain for segments of Israeli society. For ultra-orthodox Jewry and many citizens of Yemenite background, it lies embedded in their consciousness as one of the travesties committed against them.55

Aharon Sorasky, an historian of ultra-orthodox education, summarized the context of Amka-like phenomena that transpired in the first years of the state:

Immediately upon the Yemenite Jews' arrival through the "Magic Carpet" operation in 1949, instructors from secular kibbutzim and left-wing parties embarked on a witch-hunt and transferred tens of thousands of Kosher Israelite children to the secular Moloch, by means of coercion and horrendous alienation . . . The vast majority of this glorious ancient Jewish tribe, like other tribes of new immigrants, was extirpated from the holy community present at Mt. Sinai . . .56

Sorasky's description is only one of many that portrays the harm done by the secular-left to Oriental Jewish tradition and immigrant children, and it is still a painful topic for many ultra-orthodox Jews. The main culprits are the kibbutzim, who were regarded by the ultra-orthodox as the secular avant-garde, even though the Moshav Movement was more active in absorption than the Kibbutz Movement. According to ultra-orthodox historiography, religious people made exhaustive "rescue" efforts, but the historical truth reveals that few ultra-orthodox and only a small percentage of traditionally observant people actually devoted themselves to combating secular-Zionist education.

Finally, no other country in the twentieth century that was inundated with such massive immigration performed a similar miracle of absorbing hundreds of thousands of arrivals within a matter of a few years. For this reason alone the story of mass immigration to Israel should not only be criticized but also appreciated.57 Thousands of dedicated workers and volunteers made superhuman efforts to receive the flood of immigrants. Lest it be forgotten, the majority of the instructors hailed from the Workers Movement, and it was this movement, throughout the history of Zionism, that had habitually taken responsibility for "national assignments." The Moshav Movement was the social sector most active in absorption operations, and for this reason it deserves a place of honor.

On the other hand, the negative reality cannot be denied. The glorious chapter of absorption, particularly in the idealistic-pioneering movement, often gave way to aggressive and frenzied conduct that at times rode roughshod over human rights and left in its wake turmoil and destruction of religious values and faith. It seems that, for the foreseeable future, the country will continue to pay the price for the short-sighted educational-cultural approach to absorption by political figures, advisors, and teachers, especially toward religious immigrants from Islamic countries.

Nevertheless, even Moshe Unna, one of the leading figures in both the Religious Front and HaPoel HaMizrakhi, as well as a Knesset Member at the time, wrote two decades after the events at Amka:

After all the effort at presenting the absorption of immigrants from Oriental countries as evil machination . . . things must be put in their truthful perspective; the very acceptance of mass immigration into the country by the Yishuv . . . should be placeddespite all the negative phenomena that accompanied the deedin the same category as the heroic deeds carried out in illegal immigration and during the War of Independence. What took place in immigrant absorption was linked to human devotion, to the point of self-sacrifice by hundreds, perhaps, thousands, of people. For years they dedicated their life's work to instructing the immigrants in new settlements as though it were a sacred task.58

NOTES
1. Based on the Compulsory Education Bill of 1949, Israel's education system was divided into four subsidiary systems,two secular and two religiousthat are affiliated with political movements. The Arab Educational system has always been separate.

2. The Religious Front was made up of four religious parties: HaMizrakhi, HaPoel HaMizrakhi, Agudat Israel, and Poalei Agudat Israel. The list held sixteen seats (out of 120) in the First Knesset. Its three ministers were: Rabbi Yehuda Leib Maimon (HaMizrakhi), Moshe Shapira (HaPoel HaMizrakhi), and Yitzhak Meir Levin (Agudat Israel).

3. Uziel O. Schmelz, "Mass Immigration from Asia and North Africa: Demographic Aspects," Pe'amim, 39 (1989) 1563 .

4. The source of the name is: "And I will lift ye on the wings of eagles and carry ye to me." A common error is to refer to this wave of immigration as "Operation Magic Carpet" (the operation that brought Persian Jewry to Israel). For the origin of the name for Yemenite Jewry's immigration, see Yehuda Niny, Yemenite Jews (Tel-Aviv, 1988) 84 .

5. Ibid., 23.

6. See Yitchak Koren, The Settlement of the Immigrants' Affair (Tel-Aviv, August 1950) 6 .

7. In November 1948, the total population on workers' moshavim of all systems was 30,142, and on the kibbutzim, 54,200. By the end of 1953, the moshavim had almost tripled their membership (88,863), while the kibbutzim increased to 73,229. In January 1954, the moshavim accounted for 52 per cent of labor settlement in comparison to 27 per cent prior to statehood. In other words they accounted for nearly 6 per cent of the population. See Yitchak Koren, The Ingathering of Exiles in Their SettlementsA History of the Workers Moshavim in Israel (Tel-Aviv, 1964) 86 .

8. According to Dov Levitan in a lecture at Yad Ben-Zvi in Jerusalem (March 1992), this accounted for 67.5 per cent (23 out of 35) of labor villages and 74 per cent of the moshavim (20 out of 27). The data was later published in his article "The Departure of the Yemenites from the Immigrant Camps," Tima, 5 (Tevet, 1996) 14568 .

9. According to Yitchak Koren, "They remained detached from the veteran community and from events in the country. The new moshavim, especially in the first period, resembled lone islands in the stormy sea of a nation being recreated." Koren, "The Workers Moshavim and Their Method of Development," Instructors Guide 7, Department for Youth and Pioneering, (Jerusalem, Elul 1957) 44 .

10. See, Devorah Hacohen, Immigration in the Storm, The Great Immigration and its Absorption in Israel 19481953 (Jerusalem, 1994) 255 .

11. The term "Sephardi" is used to distinguish Jews from Spanish or Arab origins, speaking Ladino or Arabic from those whose origins are European or "western" (Ashkenazi). They are also sometimes referred to as "Oriental" Jews.

12. See Rabbi Uziel Archives, 887/P2, letter from 16 November 1950 (25 Kislev), Israel State Archives .

13. Yosef Lukov (19001987), son of a rabbi, was born in Russia and immigrated to Israel in 1922. He was one of the founders of the agricultural settlement, Kfar Vitkin. He was appointed head instructor at Amka and later filled the same post in other immigrant moshavim.

14. See letters of Moshe Ben-Nahum and Yeshayahu Leibowitz to Minister Shazar, 9 February 1950. Rabbi Uziel Archives, 2/887/P, ISA.

15. Professor Yehuda Niny sent me a letter (see n. 9) in which he related that the village was parceled according to families and places of origin in Yemen, and that from Amka's inception internecine rivalry developed, not only over matters of education, but also over village leadership.

16. In a number of interviews that I conducted in Amka on 17 December 2000, I collected testimony from Binyamin Shapira (b. 1937), Moshe David (b. 1938) and his wife Tzivia (b. 1941), and also Hasan Levy (b. 1909). All of them told of the intimidation of Yemenite parents who wanted their children to attend a religious school . They all recounted that one of the main threats, unemployment, was sometimes carried out. Tzivia recalled that she was nine years old when she began her schooling at Amka. She remembers how, one day, "they" broke into the classroom and threw out the ultra-orthodox teacher and dragged him humiliatingly down the main street. I wish to express my sincerest gratitude to Binyamin Yogev from Kibbutz Beit HaEmek for organizing the interviews at Amka and participating in them.

17. Rabbi Uziel Archives, 887/2P, ISA. This is a copy of the letter sent to the Minister of Education and Culture, Zalman Shazar, bearing the date 1 February 1950, which was brought to Rabbi Benzion Uziel.

18. On the Religious-Labor system, see my article, "The Religious-Labor SystemThe History of an Unsuccessful Attempt at Building a Bridge between Secular and Religious Jews," in Ariye Kasher and Rina Shapira (eds), Reshafim: Historical, Philosophical, and Sociological Aspects of Education (Tel-Aviv, 1991) 12154 .

19. Letter to Zvi Yehuda of the Moshav Movement, 7 September 1949, Division 208VI, Temporary Box 5497, Labor Archives .

20. Letter to Chaskin and Lin, 30 November 1949, Division 208VI, Temporary Box 5497, LA.

21. On the Frumkin Commission and Dr. Leibowitz's testimony, see my book, The Melting Pot: The Frumkin Commission on the Education of Immigrant Children (1950) (Kiryat Sde-Boker, 1993) . A newly updated version of the book is currently being published by SUNY publications. Dr. Leibowitz's full testimony before the committee appears on pages 1723.

22. Letter from Moshe Ben-Nahum and Dr. Leibowitz to Shazar, 9 February 1950, Rabbi Uziel Archives, 887/2P, ISA.

23. Ibid.

24. See the daily Ha'aretz, 9 March 1950 .

25 See Zvi Zameret, Across a Narrow Bridge, Education in Israel in the First Years of the State (Kiryat Sde-Boker, 1997) 16570 .

26. In the Second Knesset (July 1951), David Zvi Pinkas (18951952) served as Minister of Transportation. Due to the harsh economic conditions during this period and an accompanying oil shortage, he proposed slapping a ban on travel on the Sabbath. This led to an assassination attempt on him by young secular-leftists. The attack failed, but he died shortly afterwards, having been in office less than a year.

27. On the Frumkin Commission, see my book, Days of the Melting Pot; the quotations are from MK Pinkas, 44.

28. The Religious Kibbutz Archives, Kvutzat Yavne, Unna Archives. The quotations are from MK Moshe David Levinstein, a member of the Religious Front executive, the meeting took place on 13 February (26 Shvat) 1950.

29. On this subject, see my book, On a Narrow Bridge, 165.

30. Mapai Archives, Beit Berl , Meetings, Mapai Political Committee, 31 December 1950.

31. Moshe David Levinstein, one of the three Agudat Israel representatives in the Provisional Government, was a signer of the Declaration of Independence, (together with Yitzhak Meir Levin). In the Provisional State Council and street posters, he expressed his reservations over the "secular content and shape" of the declaration. Within the party, he was constantly at odds with Levin, who was more inclined to co-operate with Ben-Gurion.

32. Religious Kibbutz Archives, Kvutzat Yavne, Unna Archives, material on the leadership of the Religious Front, 13 February 1950.

33. Knesset Proceedings, Vol. V, 1699 .

34. Ibid.

35. See Yosef Fund, Division or Partnership? Agudat Israel Versus Zionism and the State of Israel (Jerusalem, 1999) 2357 .

36. This is based on Yosef Fund's article, "The Zionist View in the Agudat Israel Press," Kesher, 9 May 1991, 878 .

37. There is an obvious parallel here with the first verse in the Book of Ezekiel: "In the thirteenth year, in the fourth month, in the fifth day of the month, as I was among the exiles by the river Chebar, the heavens were opened, and I saw visions of God" (Ezekiel 1:1).

38. HaKol, Purim Edition 1950, 3 March 1950.

39. HaKol, 1 May 1950.

40. Ibid., 2 June (17 Sivan) 1950.

41. Ibid., 9 June 1950.

42. HaTzofeh, 10 May 1950.

43. Knesset Proceedings, Vol. V, 1600.

44. Ibid., 1601.

45. Ibid., 1656.

46. Ibid., 17235.

47. Ibid.

48. Ibid.

49. HaKol, 2 June 1950. On the pressure to have Lukov transferred to another immigrant moshav, see note 14, above.

50. HaBoker, 8 June 1950.

51. Mapai Secretariat, 1 June 1950, BB.

52. Meeting, Mapai Political Department, 31 December 1950, BB.

53. On the immense growth of the Labor system during the period of mass immigration, and the enticement and browbeating of the majority of immigrant children into the system's schools, see my book, Across a Narrow Bridge, especially 217, 1947.

54. Histadrut Education Council, Division VI 215, file 20, LA. Hayuta Busel of Kibbutz Degania proudly reported to the Histadrut Education Council on 7 December 1950 "how a female member from Degania would go up to Poria every week to assist teachers from the Religious-Labor system, otherwise the school would have fallen into the hands of Agudat Israel or HaMizrakhi. She instructed the young teachers in the right spirit ."

55. See especially Yehuda Niny, Were You There or Was I Dreaming?The Yemenites of Kineret, An Incident of Settlement and Uprooting 19121930 (Tel-Aviv 1996) . This is the story of an agricultural village by the Sea of Galilee, where, twenty years earlier, Ashkenazi settlers had displayed brazen racial and ethnic discrimination toward the Yemenite workers there. Incidents at Kineret have lately received extensive historical coverage and have been made into a television movie and theatrical performance.

56. Aharon Sorasky, The History of Jewish Religious in the Modern Period (Bnei Brak, 1967) 273 .

57. See Yosef Gorny, "The Miracle of the Mass Immigration," in Mordechai Naor (ed), Immigrants and Transit Camps 19481952 (Jerusalem, 1987) 28 .

58. Moshe Unna, Separate Paths, A Study of the Religious Parties of Israel on the Eve of the Establishment of the State and in the First and Second Knessets (Alon-Shvut, 1984) 189 .

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From : Barry Chamish <chamish@netvision.net.il>
Sent : Tuesday, September 14, 2004 7:00:52 PM
To : gblech@netvision.net.il
Subject : ofra
http://www.barrychamish.com

THE MURDER OF OFRA HAZA
by Barry Chamish

The missing Yemenite children claimed another victim. Before we begin, please open:

Tzedek Muchlat 1998

(Primal Justice)



Journalist (Ofra Haza) decides to investigate the "kidnapped Yemen children" case & even to find her twin brother after he was missing after his birth. She is meeting Gidi Vaxman (Arnon Tzadok), a detective in the homicide department who is in the climax of solving a very complicated murder case. With her determination, she succeeds in breaking his stubbornness to prove to him that he is her lost brother & to lead him to meeting with his biological parents & meeting his past

http://chipwich.tripod.com/ofrahaza/videos/Tzedek.html

Journalist (Ofra Haza) decides to investigate the "kidnapped Yemen children" case & even to find her twin brother after he was missing after his birth. She is meeting Gidi Vaxman (Arnon Tzadok), a detective in the homicide department who is in the climax of solving a very complicated murder case. With her determination, she succeeds in breaking his stubbornness to prove to him that he is her lost brother & to lead him to meeting with his biological parents & meeting his past.

Now we begin with some deep political background. Under dire threat, Ariel Sharon has begun the process of the forced removal of 8000 Jews from their homes. The pressure from within the country comes from the top of Labor Zionism. Their goal is to stop the religious revival taking place within Yesha, beginning with Gaza. With the transfer of the Gazan Jews will come a split in the country so profound that over half its citizens will stop accepting the government as their legal authority. This will spell the end of Israel.
The Gazan Jews represent the finest ideals of the Zionism of national liberation. Labor Zionism is a foreign transplant on the body of the Jews and only its removal can spell the salvation of Israel.

In my previous two articles I spelled out the depths of criminality which is Labor Zionism. With ample proof we learned that the Ben Gurion government sanctioned the mass irradiation of Sephardic children and youths in the 1950s, while kidnapping some 4500 Yemenite infants for use as guinea pigs in American atomic experiments. For this, Israel was paid today's equivalent of 50 billion dollars.

The expose of the Yemenite kidnappings led readers to insist I explore the murder of the Yemenite-Israeli singer Ofra Haza. I had just begun when, divinely, a member of Haza's family asked to meet with me. What he imparted is going to sound fantastic, but what doesn't anymore? You judge, but I believed him.

Let's start with the motive. Ofra Haza had a cousin kidnapped from a transit camp in the 1950s. In 1985, she released an album of Yemenite Songs which turned her into an international disco star, in fact, the most popular Israeli entertainer ever. She was a hero to the Israeli Yemenite community.

In the early 1990s, Rabbi Uzi Meshulum, leader of the movement on behalf of the missing Yemenite children, ignited a demand for the truth that was spreading throughout the country. His house was surrounded by police and army, shot up, killing an eighteen year old follower, and he was finally imprisoned. He returned home in 1999 lobotomized.

The Yemenite community was enraged but felt powerless. Ofra Haza had power, lots of it within the country and throughout the world. Look at a typical testimony to her influence pulled off the internet:

I have to admit that I was ignorant to the proud history
of my own ancestors ( OFRA and I are Yemenite ).
After being exposed to OFRA's music I found myself researching
my ethnic history, asking my mother and grand mother to tell
me all they knew of the Yemenite people.

In 1997, Ofra Haza decided to dedicate herself to the missing Yemenite children. She financed and starred in a movie about the issue:

Liat Collins
Jerusalem Post
02-28-1997
"Who kidnapped Ofra Haza?" Under this intriguing title, Ma'ariv writer Michal Kafra interviewed the superstar singer who is starring in an Israeli film examining the disappearances of Yemenite immigrant children in the early years of the state. For Haza it marks a return to the big screen, a return from recording studios in Germany and, above all, a return to her roots.

The film, called Absolute Justice, is directed by Doron Eran and Arnon Zadok, who is also the producer.

Arnon Zadok is no minor director. Yemenite himself, he has directed award winning films like White Night, and Beyond The Walls. In fact, he was the last Israeli director to be nominated for an Oscar. But Absolute Justice was shown once at the Tel Aviv Cinemateque and disappeared.

I was heartbroken when she died. I was never sure that a woman this beautiful would be content to be solely a recording artist; I thought that she had been aspiring to a career in film. I believed that her disappearance from the scene was a result of her film career not taking off;
-Tom Schnabel
Producer, KCRW Radio

Any movie starring Ofra Haza would have been a hit in Israel but never more than after her death, they told us, of AIDS. So where did the movie go?
It was also in 1997, while making her movie, that Ofra Haza was pursued by a suitor named Doron Ashkenazi. Not just pursued, hounded. She wanted nothing to do with him but profound family pressure was put on her to give him a chance. After her death, it was revealed that Ashkenazi, supposedly a building contractor, paid off Ofra's cousin to be his matchmaker. When her persuasion led to his marriage to Ofra, the yente was paid off with a $20,000 kitchen.

In the wake of Haza's unexpected death, both Ha'ir and Haaretz published pretty deep exposes of Haza's life with Ashkenazi. With the cooperation of her family and her longtime agent, both articles agreed on most major points. Of Ashkenazi, we learned that:

Though she wanted to live near her family in Yehud, Ashkenazi forced Haza to move to an expensive home in Herzlia. Once separated from her roots, he forbade her from visiting family and friends, and had her fire her longtime manager/producer, Bezalel Aloni. While she was dying, Ashkenazi had her sign the deed to her Yehud home over to him, and on the day of her death, he emptied her bank account. Ofra had informed her family that in her will, she bequeathed her home and worldly domain to them. The family challenged Ashkenazi's claim to her property in court. Note that the lawyer chosen was Rami Tsuberi, author of a stinging book about the kidnapped Yemenite children. This URL is in Hebrew.

http://www.bambili.com/bambili_news/katava_main.asp?news_id=1007&sivug_id=6

Ofra Haza was a traditional Yemenite woman, who was modest by nature and not by any means promiscuous. Yet, Ashkenazi convinced her to abort their baby. URL also in Hebrew:

http://www.bambili.com/bambili_news/katava_main.asp?news_id=990&sivug_id=6

Because of her known modesty, combined with the abortion, the public accused Ashkenazi of passing the AIDS virus on to her. He denied it and promised to take an AIDS test and reveal the results to the public. This was apparently threatening to someone. He never had a chance to take the test...

Itim
Jerusalem Post
04-09-2001
Headline: Ofra Haza's widower dies, drugs found
Byline: Itim
Edition; Daily
Section: News
Page: 01

Monday, April 9, 2001 -- The attorney of the family of singer Ofra Haza, who died last February of AIDS, said yesterday the family awaits the results of the autopsy to be performed on her husband, Doron Ashkenazi, who died Saturday night, to determine whether he was an HIV carrier.

Ashkenazi was found unconscious Saturday night in his Herzliya home, evidently by friends, who called Magen David Adom around 9 p.m.

...because he was snuffed out 14 months after Haza. But look who promised to do the HIV test post mortem? Why it's Yehuda Hiss, the coroner who falsified the autopsy of Yitzhak Rabin, and the coroner who was caught counterfeiting a DNA test between a surviving Yemenite child and her biological mother.
In English, how Ashkenazi died:

http://chipwich.tripod.com/ofrahaza/doran.html

By Amit Ben-Aroya
Ha'aretz Correspondent and wires

Doron Ashkenazi - widower of Israel's most successful international singer, Ofra Haza, who died of AIDS in February 2000 - died Saturday night of an overdose of crystallized cocaine, police said.

His autopsy today may shed a light on Haza's death as well.

"We are expecting an answer as to whether Doron was HIV positive, and the one who infected Ofra," attorney Arie Sharabi, who represents the Haza family, said yesterday.

Several complaints were filed with the police, accusing Ashkenazi of not informing Haza that he was HIV positive. Ashkenazi, who has an eight-year-old girl and a 15-year-old boy, was never arrested in connection with Haza's death. The Tel Aviv prosecutor is still working on the Haza file. His death is to terminate the investigation, unless the family allows it to be continued, which is very unlikely, Sharabi explained.

On Saturday night, the night of the Seder, Ashkenazi would not celebrate with his family. He said he was still in mourning. A preliminary police investigation indicates he spent the evening with friends, doing "crystal meth" at Ashkenazi's home in Herzliya.
When Ashkenazi suddenly collapsed at 8 P.M., one of the friends called an ambulance, and told Ashkenazi's family. Ashkenazi was rushed to Beilinson Hospital in Petah Tikva, where, after attempts at resuscitation, he was pronounced dead.

Police were only informed at 10:30 PM. Chief Superintendent Avi Sasson, deputy commander of the Gelilot station, which is investigating the case, told Ha'aretz he still did not know why Ashkenazi's car was found parked in south Tel Aviv.
Ashkenazi family lawyer Shmuel Zang said Ashkenazi was focused on the legal proceeding that were to begin in a few weeks regarding the validity of Haza's will, a copy of which could not be found.

The medical panel that investigated Haza's death published its findings three months ago. Its report said that, if Haza had admitted herself to hospital earlier, her life might have been saved. But Haza, fearful that her condition would become public knowledge, refused to go to the hospital, even when her situation had become very serious.

Ashkenazi was first exposed to the public eye when, in July 1997, he married Haza, a popular singer. She was discovered at age 12 at the underprivileged Hatikva neighborhood in Tel Aviv, by Bezalel Aloni, who was her personal manager for years - until her marriage to Ashkenazi, when she severed her ties with him.

Just weeks before her death, she telephoned Aloni and told him of her condition. "I said a year ago that this man was to blame. He covered himself with a battery of lawyers. His death only serves to emphasize how tragic and futile Ofra's death was. Doron was the first and last man in her life, and that's terrible," Aloni said.

copyright 2001 Ha'aretz. All Rights Reserved


With Ashkenazi out of the way, he would talk no more, nor take an HIV test. Dr. Hiss' post mortem test was never released, so Haaretz was used to put final closure on the issue, publishing a report that Haza had an affair with a bi-sexual German film producer. The disinformation apparently did its job and the Haza death withered away with the elimination of Ashkenazi.

Now, with great trepidation, I introduce Shimon Peres. It was Peres who invited Haza to sing at the signing of the Oslo Accord and at the Nobel Prize ceremony, during which he won a prize for "peace." Recalling that Peres was in charge of the Israeli atomic program during the days when the Yemenite children were kidnapped and turned into guinea pigs for atomic experiments, her appearance beside him was more than a little disconcerting.

When Haza entered the hospital, 13 days before she finally succumbed to her poisoning, Peres called her mother to see how she was doing.
http://www.jpost.com/Editions/2000/02/25/News/News.3176.html


And who gave her eulogy, but Shimon Peres:

http://www3.haaretz.co.il/eng/htmls/kat6_3.htm

At the funeral, Peres called Haza "a singer of hope for the nation and the world" and thanked her for "making Israel a nation of song."

What was Peres' great interest in promoting the career of Ofra Haza? I met the Haza family member at a cafe near the Shalom Tower in Tel Aviv. Everything he told me came from within Ofra Haza's closest circles.

FM - She was murdered because of the film. I was there when it was shown at the Cinemateque. It was chopped up. She told us that she named names in the movie. I recall she blamed Yisrael Kessar and Yisrael Yeshiahu for being the capos of the kidnappings. That wasn't in the final edit of the film. The film was never shown again but copies of the original are floating around. They got Arnon to bury it and they got Ofra buried.

BC - How did they do it?

FM - We all believe she was deliberately infected with AIDS. Now there was no reason for her to die of it. She was feeling weak for a year and had seen her doctor to complain. But she wasn't given the HIV cocktail.

BC - Why not?

FM - We found out later that her doctor, Mimi Hatman, was a friend/lover of Doron Ashkenazi's.
They were in on the murder together. Do you remember the nonsense the media spread that Ofra kept her AIDS a secret so her fans wouldn't be disappointed? In other words, she preferred to die rather than treat her disease? What a story, but the public bought it. The twist given was that she died of shame.

BC - So Ashkenazi married her to murder her?

FM - Yeah. He was the hitman.

BC - For who, Shabak, Mossad?

FM - No, he was Peres' boy. He was on assignment from him. Peres was about the last survivor of the gang that arranged the kidnappings. He would do anything to keep the lid on the affair. When he found out that Ofra was on the Yemenite children bandwagon, he panicked. She was bigger than he was. She was more popular and, of course, way more trusted. She was the biggest threat the scandal ever faced. She was too naive to realize the danger she placed herself in by making that movie. After they got Ofra out of the way, they decided to finish the job. Ashkenazi was getting unpredictable after everyone thought he gave her AIDS because he had it. He didn't and hated everyone thinking he did. He was going to blow the operation so they had him ODing on a needle. That was perfect because it explained how this heterosexual got the disease in the first place. A couple in their 30s injected him and the woman was murdered too. It's very deadly to get too close to Peres, and Ofra should have known better. She knew him better than anyone ever found out.

BC - Because of Oslo and the Nobel Prize ceremony?

FM - He took her everywhere. If Margaret Thatcher was in town, he'd bring her along to serenade her. I have a picture of that event. His affair with her began way before the 'peace' process. He saw her first movie, Ha Frekha, (The Tart), and he took a shine to her. Peres had a contact to the film's director, Pashanel, who died last year. He was Gideon Zinger. He's the father of Yoel Zinger, the lawyer who drew up the Declaration Of Principles with the PLO. That's how he got to meet Ofra. Peres is a serial cad, but at least he rewards his conquests with great careers. However, he really took advantage of her.

BC - Are you really saying that Peres had an affair with Ofra Haza?

FM - Oh, for years. There are people in the family who say he raped her, but I call it mind-screwing. She's a young naive singer who comes from the slums. Now she's invited to Stockholm to perform for famous diplomats. Then she's in Rome, singing to the pope. How could she refuse him later in the hotel? He was using her to satisfy himself and sell peace. He had it made. And she was getting a big career boost by playing along. But she made a bigger mistake.

BC - Being what?

FM - She wanted to do something for her people. The issue of the Yemenite children took hold. I'm almost positive it had nothing to do with getting even with Peres. I don't think she made the connection to his role. But there is that chance that she wanted revenge for the shame he caused her, at least subconsciously. Whatever the truth, Peres felt betrayed and threatened. So Ofra got the Rabin treatment.

That was NOT what I was expecting to hear when I arranged the interview.
If any of this tawdry tale is true, and I'm inclined to believe that ALL of it may be, then we know just how much wickedness resides in the heart of the leader of the Labor Party, of Labor Zionism, of the peacemaker who brought us Oslo, and who is now leading the battle to annihilate the Jewish presence in Gush Katif.
And that very wickedness just can't be allowed to triumph if we are to remain proud Jews and Zionists. May this New Year finally bring truth to Israel.

end


* Response to my new CD has been wonderful:

Barry:

*I''ve so far listened to your Denver CDs three times. I was mesmerized.
Thanks so much!

* Incidentally, I love the CD; I've
listened to it twice. It's truly chilling, the all-pervasiveness of the
mixed tendrils of evil. We are rushing head-long into Luciferian world
government, and the bad guys control both sides of every debate. Two false
extremes are created and cultivated so that "reasonable," "sound-thinking"
people can comfortably shun them both, settle into the artificial "middle,"
and be led like cheerful, well-informed lambs to the killing fields. Anyone
who points out the artificiality of the whole scenario is clearly
delusional, perhaps insane, in this crazy context. Uggh!

* Thank you for the C.D.s. It appears as though you have probably nailed it. Perhaps this "behind the scenes" group could be what Revelation 3:9 refers to "those of the synagogue of the adversary, who say they are Jews and are not, but lie"? At any rate, I anxiously await the day that Daniel 2:34-35 is fulfilled.

Response to the video has been critical. It was recorded in a large hall with 500 people present and too many people are not happy with the sound. I won't print their complaints but they're out there. On the other hand, lots of people liked it.

Hi Barry,
Great video!!! I had no idea that the spawn of satan known as the Vatican had it's claws so much in Israel. I was glued to the whole video. You are like a breath of fresh air. I went to your site looking for video information in order to promote it but found none. I can scan the the video cover for my site, but what info can I give people on how to order it? IOW where can they order the video. Please let me know and I will promote it on my site.

To see or hear my 90 minute lecture last May in Denver on the real "peace" process, just write me at chamish@netvision.net.il $20 will get you one, $32, both.

And as usual, you can order my English books, Who Murdered Yitzhak Rabin, Israel Betrayed, The Last Days Of Israel and Save Israel! by writing me at the same address.


Just so you all know, my new book:
SHABTAI TZVI, LABOR ZIONISM AND THE HOLOCAUST

is about 2 weeks away from release.

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9.2.02
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9.2.02
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9.2.02
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'' ''    04:50   24.11.08   
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From: sosisrael@responder.co.il on behalf of (sddym@bezeqint.net)
Sent: Mon 11/24/08 1:11 AM
To: zahronx@hotmail.com

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9.2.02
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9.2.02
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9.2.02
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9.2.02
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9.2.02
95064
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9.2.02
95064
' ''    07:57   24.06.07   
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